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  • IV/. Labor of Love As I have explored in the preceding chapters on Law & Order: SVU and Battlestar Galactica, new textual and technocultural formations are intensifying the stresses in today's media ecology. Among these stresses, managing the production of queer readings, desires and appropriations is a nexus of particular concern in the shift from broadcast's centralized and vertical model to the more distributed and horizontal configuration of digital distribution. The 2007 Writers Guild of America strike foregrounded the bottom line of such transactions for the entertainment industry: labor. This dispute between screenwriters and executives illuminated the present-day predicament of mass media, which is hard pressed to keep up with a proliferation of content and platforms while squeezing ever greater efficiency out of its creative workers. It is these conditions that have spurred not only the official exploitation of paid labor as expressed in the AMPTP's demands at the bargaining table, but also the industry's turn to a far more vast, dynamic, and affordable resource: the free labor of fans. Fan production has no doubt always held indirect economic value for corporations as a form of promotion and a stimulus to consumption but, until very recently, this phenomenon was rarely considered openly outside the science fiction niche. Now, as convergence puts pressure on television's obsolescing profit models, hit network shows like Lost (ABC, 2004-present) and its derivatives are adopting cult media's tactics for attracting a loyal and engaged audience -- in short, a fandom -- as marketing's next frontier. In addition to the presumptive value of active and insatiable consumers, the internet's characteristics as a decentralized, immediate, and continuous network make it practicable for the industry to exploit fan labor directly as "user-generated content." By contrast, it is now equally practicable for fans to exploit media commodities directly, as TV and movies, along with their multiplying complement of bonus features, can be downloaded at will to serve as the raw material for unauthorized creative work. Whereas earlier chapters evaluated this juncture in terms of its representations and technologies, I here examine its economic dimension: the emerging labor relations that will shape the future of television and of its queer subcultures.

    My coupling of queer subjectivities and post-industrial capitalism is not arbitrary: as commodities themselves become increasingly immaterial, the affective labor of desire, identification, and meaning-making accrues greater economic value. Paraphrasing a 1999 Wired article that boldly proclaimed the death of the "Old Web," Tiziana Terranova suggests that, with "new ways to make the audience work... television and the web converge in the one thing they have in common: their reliance on audience/users as providers of... cultural labour" (95). This labor, which is the productive force behind media convergence, exemplifies the architecture of the larger "digital economy":
    It is about specific forms of production (web design, multimedia production, digital services and so on), but it is also about forms of labour we do not immediately recognize as such... These types of cultural and technical labor are not produced by capitalism in any direct, cause-and-effect fashion... However, they have developed in relation to the expansion of the cultural industries and are part of a process of economic experimentation with the creation of monetary value out of knowledge/culture/affect. (79)
    Such relatively autonomous and freely conducted labor schemes, fan production included, break down the distinction between waged work and leisure, but this does not place them outside of capitalist demands. In comparison to the sunny forecast for our much vaunted "participatory culture," this view of convergence as expropriation may seem pessimistic: fandom is more commonly celebrated as a "gift economy" or alternative system of exchange that circumvents or even resists capitalism. Terronova argues that this outlook on free labor effaces the reality of its functional integration into the post-industrial economy. Her position does not, however, reduce fans and other digital enthusiasts to unwitting dupes of capitalism, colluding with the incorporation of their authentic practices into a monolithic machine. Terranova emphasizes, by contrast, that "such processes are not created outside capital and then reappropriated by capital, but are the results of a complex history where the relation between labor and capital is mutually constitutive" (94). Given this interdependence, the entertainment industry and its audiences each have collective bargaining power in their immaterial labor negotiations. Resistance exists within the flows of capitalism, and the political project is to boost the turbulence that exceeds its corporate channels.

    These channels are fabricated from reactive discipline in the guise of copyright enforcement and ideologies that devalue fan labor, but also increasingly from proactive enticements toward modes of participation that enrich the brand. Outside of cult genres, one of the earliest forays into this terrain among television programs came from The L Word (Showtime, 2004-2009), the first American TV series to make lesbian romance its primary focus. In addition to thematizing issues of lesbian identity and representation onscreen, The L Word has innovated through online promotions that leverage its projected lesbian audience into an interactive fan community. At the intersection of lived subculture, virtual world, and marketing spectacle, the web-based tie-ins OurChart.com (a content portal and social networking site) and "You Write It!" (a platform for fan-written script contests) attempt to mobilize subjectivity as labor, exposing both the possibilities and the limits of such transmedia ventures. Showrunner Ilene Chaiken has spoken of the push to dismantle television's fourth wall in the era of convergence:
    In the beginning I said -- and was given a very hard time for saying -- "I don't listen, I write what I want to write." But another way the world has changed since I started doing the show is that the internet has become a big part of our lives. Anybody who writes a TV show would be a fool not to interact with her audience. Our audience is particularly passionate and engaging, so I talk to them and I listen to them. I can't always do what they want to do, but there's an effect of hearing their voices and then deciding what stories to tell. (Wilkes)
    Chaiken's growing willingness to listen and interact through the internet is more than a minor update to her job description. Implicit in her comments is the "L word" of her title: Lesbian as a commodity that is produced as much by the "voices" of a "passionate" audience as by the program's own portrayals. There is thus another "L word" here, the one from my title: Labor as an asset of audiences that the industry must now integrate. Both words are taboo in the orbit of television but, as rendered in the case of The L Word, both are central to key transformations in the mass media landscape. In this chapter, I analyze the role of lesbianism as labor in The L Word's commercial empire and, by extension, the role of subjectivity as labor in the emerging economy of convergence. My argument is that, while more and more of fan production is subsumed into a capitalist topology, these conditions correspondingly intensify the underlying antagonism between audiences and corporations. As Terranova puts it, the "desires [of capital and living labour] cease to coincide" when "capital wants to retain control over the unfolding of these... processes of valorization" (84), and it is our task to counter that control by sustaining divergent values and desires within it.
  • IV/3/B You Write It! The media industry's emerging strategies to valorize an established reservoir of fan labor perfectly complement their late capitalist context. However, the subsumption of subjectivities and communities with autonomous traditions under a corporate regime generates new antagonisms that demand delicate control. In the case of The L Word, the most heavily engineered expropriation of fan production was a series of user-generated writing contests. Showtime launched this marketing campaign in 2006 with a scheme to prompt a complete "fanisode" (faux television script), contracting the company FanLib to design and run the web-based competition as one of the start-up's earliest projects {http://web.archive.org/web/20060831222949/http://lword.fanlib.com/}. For this initial contest, a member of The L Word's creative team prepared a storyboard that filled in a diegetic gap of several months between the events of seasons 3 and 4, providing descriptions of the individual scenes that would make up an imaginary episode. Participants then voted for their favorite of the user submissions that realized each segment, and finally the winners were awarded prizes and their scenes were assembled into a downloadable PDF version of the final script (Figure 9). This successful venture garnered a mention in The Wall Street Journal's article about the transformation of fan fiction from a "fringe pursuit" to one that "helps unknown authors find mainstream success" (Jurgensen). FanLib shares this assumption that fans' labors of love have the same goals, motivations, standards and economies as professional authorship -- although in their business model, it is the corporation rather than the creators who will reap the profits. Since the "fanisode" wasn't intended for production, we might speculate that it was organized in script format (as opposed to inviting more familiar prose fan fiction) precisely to appeal to aspiring screenwriters with polished skills.

    Whether we read this move as nurturing or mercenary, it follows that certain expectations for a lesbian community of creative professionals are part of the impetus for The L Word's FanLib promotions. In the introduction to the PDF 'zine that resulted from the "fanisode," Chaiken celebrated The L Word's fans, who "came at us enthusiastically with your reactions, your objections, your ideas, passions, preferences and opinions as to whether or not we were adequately and authentically representing the way that we live" ("The L Word: A Fanisode"). From the perspective of this politics of representation, encouraging involvement with corporate media-making among The L Word's presumptively lesbian audience is necessary to the project of lesbian visibility. However, as we've seen, the price of this brand of visibility is to render lesbian identity as a reified commodity that can be packaged and sold, not only by professionals but by each contest participant and each OurChart member. The feminist utopia of an "old girls network," wherein mentorship leads to success within mainstream industries, here butts up against the converse heritage of fans' non-commercial systems of value and recognition. Chaiken says that the writing competitions were inspired by the fact that "the fans of The L Word write a lot of fan fiction on their own" ("Meet Molly"), implying that submitting a scene in script form to a contest would have a comparable charm. But the majority of fan authors aren't professional hopefuls like The Wall Street Journal's winning interviewee (who was, incidentally, the only straight man to place in the "fanisode"). Chaiken's equivalence effaces the autonomous norms of fandom's gift economy, which cultivates alternative modes of sharing the characters and stories that originate in the corporate media. If, as The Wall Street Journal posits, "the rise of fan fiction is part of the spread of amateur-created content online... on sites such as YouTube and MySpace" (Jurgensen), we shouldn't expect ventures like FanLib's to negotiate the friction between capitalist mandates and "amateur" subcultures with any more consideration than these other commercial platforms.

    Chaiken's statement is from a promotional video on Showtime's official website that presents a later FanLib installment (dubbed "You Write It!"), featuring the lucky winner Molly as she claims her prize -- a visit to the set to see her contribution filmed (Figure 10). "You Write It!" was structured similarly to the "fanisode," but its endgame made good on the promise of the script format by including the victorious submission in an actual television episode (much to the delight of Molly, who was indeed a screenwriting student). It also had more open-ended instructions: "Choose a scene from The L Word seasons 1 or 2 to rewrite as a scene from 'Lez Girls,' Jenny's thinly-veiled, fictional account of The L Word characters' lives." While inviting fan-written scripts may imply a breakdown of the distinction between amateurs and professionals, this video's rhetoric emphatically reasserts the ideological gulf between fans and producers, quashing any intimation that fans' unpaid work could be afforded equal respect. The comments addressed to Molly, while well-meaning, are starkly condescending, informing her of banal aspects of television production as if she didn't already have the knowledge to be a screenwriting success. The "You Write It!" contest was a perfect match with season 5's "Lez Girls," a movie-within-a-TV-show that campily remixed The L Word's early seasons. Molly's scene earned its winning vote tally by enhancing these self-reflexive layers with a Charlie's Angels mashup, alluding to the history of lesbian viewing. In contrast to the discourses of "we" and "our" that characterize much of The L Word's marketing, however, the turn to calling fans "you" highlights the limits of this openness to appropriation. Chaiken may profess an interest in "the way interactivity is taking over our lives" that is borne out in The L Word's cutting-edge online promotions, but this provocation extends only as far as fan labor channels value into the "lesbian" brand -- because "you" work for free. Chaiken's outlook on the FanLib project both reflects and forwards this strategy, and like Jenny, Alice or indeed Chaiken herself, Molly is an exemplar for fans' lessons in commodifying our passions.

    [ a condensed version of this section appeared as You Write It! Or, The L Word Is Labor at In Media Res ]
  • IV/1/A Immaterial Labor There is one obvious term we could deploy to elucidate The L Word's teetering edifice of authenticity: ideology. But the status of ideological analysis today is dubious. The theory originates in Marxist thought, but its position within dialectical materialism has always been ambivalent. In orthodox Marxism, all ideas arise from the system of production as a set of material relations. However, this system cannot exist without the ideologies that naturalize it, nor are material conditions and ideology clearly separable. Marx and Engels write, "The phantoms formed in the human brain are... necessarily sublimates of their material life-process.... Morality, religion, metaphysics, all the rest of ideology and the corresponding forms of consciousness, thus no longer retain the semblance of independence" (47). Not only is ideology virtually material itself, certain ideas are necessary to the material economic relations of capitalism. Production, for example, cannot exist without consumption, which "posits the object of production as a concept, an internal image, a need, a motive, a purpose" -- as a "desire," in short -- and "Production accordingly produces not only an object for the subject, but also a subject for the object" (“Introduction to a Critique of Political Economy” 132-133). In Capital, Marx explains further that the commodity form on which capitalism depends is fundamentally a mystification, "a definite social relation between men, that assumes, in their eyes, the fantastic form of a relation between things" (321). Thus it was never clear how we would study the ideological superstructure, society's accumulation of ideas, in isolation from its material base in production -- or vice versa.

    The impossibility of extricating supposedly superstructural fictions from the economic base comes to fruition in the work of Louis Althusser. Acknowledging that the "reproduction of labor power" (that is, of the entire economic system) "reveals as its sine qua non... the reproduction of its subjection to the ruling ideology" (133), he ventures the theory of ideology that Marx never fully elaborates (158) (perhaps precisely because it requires engaging the interpenetration of base and superstructure). Althusser insists that ideology must be understood as having a "material existence," and furthermore that this materiality is contextualized in psychoanalytically-inflected subjects: "1. there is no practice except by and in an ideology; 2. there is no ideology except by the subject and for subjects" (170). Already in Marx, desire is posed as central to consumption, and Althusser draws on psychoanalysis to theorize this function, defining ideology as the process that constitutes subjects and therefore their desires. He thus posits that ideology and materiality are articulated together via subjectivity, without necessarily resolving this binarization inherited from Marx.

    Gramscian thought offers another potential revision of the untenable base/superstructure opposition in the concept of hegemony. Gramsci, according to Stuart Hall, "recognizes the 'plurality' of selves or identities of which the so-called 'subject' of thought and ideas is composed... a consequence of the relationship between 'the self' and the ideological discourses which compose the cultural terrain of a society" (433). Gramsci's model, that is, accommodates a more multiple (rather than dual) understanding of subjectivity, capitalist power, and ideologies role in mediating between them. Laclau and Mouffe identify hegemonic formations with the Althusserian concept of overdetermination -- "the critique of every type of fixity, through an affirmation of the incomplete, open and politically negotiable character of every identity" (104) -- however, they accuse Althusser of drifting away from this territory and into a regressive essentialism (97-98). A resolutely anti-essentialist Marxism, they assert, "affirm[s] the material character of every discursive structure... the progressive affirmation, from Gramsci to Althusser, of the material character of ideologies" (109) and conversely "rejects the distinction between discursive and non-discursive practices" (107) -- that is, between superstructure and base. Laclau and Mouffe ultimately characterize societies as radically open, "precarious and ultimately failed attempts to domesticate the field of differences" (95). Thus over the past half-century, in dialogue with psychoanalytic and poststructuralist theory, Marxisms have been reconfigured to reject all stable identities and boundaries, including that between the supposedly material domain of production and the supposedly immaterial domain of ideology.

    These theoretical innovations take Marx in new directions but are already implied in his work, where he presciently recognized the incredible vitality of capitalism, which "cannot exist without constantly revolutionizing the instruments of production, and thereby the relations of production, and with them the whole relations of society" (The Communist Manifesto 58). As this situation wears on, "the productive forces at the disposal of society... become too powerful" to sustain existing conditions, necessitating either "enforced destruction... [or] the conquest of new markets" (60-61). Frederic Jameson credits Marx with a dialectical outlook on economic transformation, writing that here he "powerfully urges us to... a type of thinking that would be capable of grasping the demonstrably baleful features of capitalism along with its extraordinary and liberating dynamism simultaneously" (Postmodernism 47). One of the products not only of dialectical thinking about capitalism, but of the revolutionary dialectic of the capitalist system itself, is the heralding of what Jameson describes as the "inauguration of a whole new type of society, most famously bap/tized 'postindustrial society' (Daniel Bell) but often also designated consumer society, media society, information society, electronic society... (...a third stage or moment in the evolution of capital)" (3). Also known as late capitalism, this is the capitalist form native to what Jameson anatomizes, more precisely than most, as "postmodernism." While this term is usually deployed in either economic or aesthetic senses, Jameson reminds us elsewhere that "The becoming cultural of the economic, and the becoming economic of the cultural, has often been identified as one of the features that characterizes what is now widely known as postmodernity" (“Notes on Globalization as a Philosophical Issue” 60) -- what he calls "the libidinalization of the market" (69). At this stage, communication and information merge with technology in its materiality as a means of production, while in turn technology merges with the immateriality of commodification in its reliance on communication and information (56).

    Among recent Marxisms, there is one heterodox strain that engages most dynamically with the profound transformations of late capitalism. Autonomia (Autonomism) emerged from a decade of social unrest in Italy, symbolically dated from 1968 (Bifo 149) but scaffolded by intellectual (Moulier 16) and activist (Moulier 5) schemas beginning by 1962. Its roots lie in protests by workers in northern Italy's large factories -- most famously the Taylorist FIAT factory, supposedly the largest in the world with around 100,000 employees (Moulier 13) -- but Autonomism was an emphatically decentralized movement, uniting disparate proletarians, local organizations, and theorists under the banner of the Potere Operaio (Workerists). Taylorism, the late capitalist successor to Fordism's assembly-line model for heavy industry, posits that "society as a whole functions and should function like a factory... [toward] socialization of all relations of production" (Moulier 17), and the Workerists responded with correspondingly innovative tactics of resistance based on the "looseness," "flexibility" and "fluidity" of an "elusive network" that "develops forms of organization and of subjectivity against which there exists no 'classic' response" (Lotringer & Marazzi 20). Social turmoil intensified in Italy throughout the 1970s, matched by rising unemployment, until it culminated in 1977 with a series of violent mass uprisings (Bifo 157-158). By 1974, the majority of the Workerist movement had split from a militant wing known as the Red Brigades, with the remainder adopting the name Autonomism (Lotringer and Marazzi 9). But when the Red Brigades kidnapped and assassinated Aldo Moro, President of the Christian Democratic Party, in 1978 (Bifo 160), the state took the crime as a pretense to exile or imprison thousands of Autonomists, issuing warrants on April 7, 1979 for intellectuals and activists including well-known thinker Antonio Negri (Lotringer v). These arrests and related repressions were effective at extinguishing Autonomist dissent in Italy, but collaterally they resulted in exiled theorists making contact with French post-structuralists and beyond, expanding the theoretical scope and international reach of their thought (Lotringer vi).

    Translations of Autonomist works from Italian are a significant waypoint in this intellectual trajectory, and seminal English collections include the 1980 compendium Autonomia (the source for much of the above history) and Virno and Hardt's recent anthology Radical Thought in Italy. The latter republishes an influential essay by Maurizio Lazzarato on "Immaterial Labor" (this translation had previously appeared under the title "General Intellect: Towards an Inquiry into Immaterial Labor"). According to Lazzarato's diagnosis, immaterial labor, or "the labor that produces the informational and cultural content of the commodity" (132), "seeks to involve even the worker's personality and subjectivity within the production of value" (135). While its "classic forms" encompass "audiovisual production, advertising, fashion, the production of software, photography, cultural activities" and "it exists only in the form of networks and flows" (136), immaterial labor is the hegemonic principle of late capitalist work even for those not directly engaged in these hyperskilled activities within the heterogeneous global economy (135). The pivotal premise of this elevation of mental and affective work is that "the 'raw material' of immaterial labor is subjectivity and the 'ideological' environment in which this subjectivity lives and reproduces": in a milieu that values intellectual property, branding, libidinalization (in Jameson's terms) over the manufacture of material goods, "[subjectivity] becomes directly productive, because the goal of our postindustrial society is to construct the consumer/communicator" (142). Communication, both in the abstract and as a function of information technologies, plays a vital role as the medium of subject formation and of cooperation between workers -- for Lazzarato, "If Fordism integrated consumption into the cycle of the reproduction of capital, post-Fordism integrates communication into it" (139). It is important to acknowledge the pronounced theoretical lacuna of Lazzarato's work (and indeed of the majority of Autonomist discourse): for a model that relies extensively on subjectivity, it offers little elaboration of this notion or engagement with existing conceptual frameworks (for example psychoanalysis, as per Althusser's approach, or Foucaldian micro-power). Nonetheless, this methodology offers a penetrating explication of late capitalism's directive to "'become subjects'" (134) that is available to be enhanced through continuing dialogue with complimentary traditions.

    Immaterial labor can be the primary diagram of production in late capitalism precisely because the economy depends on a new kind of immaterial commodity, one that finds "its use value being given by its value as informational and cultural content" (137) -- that is, by its meaning for subjects. As Lazzarato succinctly puts it, "prior to being manufactured, a product must be sold" (140), thus reversing the Fordist system based in single-purpose factories and turning to "just-in-time" schemes where supply responds to demand. Moreover, the paradigmatic immaterial commodity, not being fixed in a physical object (think of a trademark or an mp3 file, for example), "is not destroyed in the act of consumption, but rather it enlarges, transforms, and creates the 'ideological' and cultural environment of the consumer" (137). The crucial ramifications of this ascent of the culture and information industries involve "the integration of the relationship between production and consumption, where in fact the consumer intervenes in an active way in the composition of the product," rendering it "the result of a creative process that involves both the producer and the consumer" (141). Lazzarato's assessment of this transformation is ultimately rather optimistic: since capitalism "cannot abolish this double process of 'creativity'; it must rather assume it as it is, and attempt to control it and subordinate it to its own values" (144), a mechanism that is provisional and precarious. This outlook applies to immaterial labor power as well, for if "the management mandate to 'become subjects of communication' threatens to be even more totalitarian," employers are correspondingly "forced to recognize the autonomy and freedom of labor as the only possible form of cooperation in production" (135). It is this autonomy, the relocalization of value in subjects and their self-organizing networks of communication, that gives Autonomism its name. It is critical, however, that we weigh these possibilities for resistance against the perils of a capitalist regime that subsumes ever more of our identity and sociality under its imperatives.

    [ read Lazzarato's "Immaterial Labor" online ]
  • IV/2/. "Where Women Can Connect": OurChart.com Another fantasmatic equivalence in play at OurChart.com, beyond plotting a sexual network onto a technical network, is its conflation of onscreen and real life communities. The L Word's ultimate alibi is authenticity, and the website is a winning move in that rhetorical game: because "real" lesbians now chart their relationships just like the characters do, Alice and her friends evidently represent "real" lesbians. Thus OurChart.com not only advertises The L Word but buttresses its structuring ideology, leveraging user participation to heighten the verisimilitude of its portrayals. This was not the program's first attempt to garner cultural credibility by layering behind-the-scenes narratives over its fictional soap opera, and in addition to amplifying the figurative parallel between production world and story world, OurChart.com provided a distribution channel for this ongoing stream of supplemental content. With regular submissions by Chaiken and actors including Beals, Hailey, and Moening promising fans insider access to The L Word empire and the opportunity to interact with its stars, OurChart.com enhanced the impression that the program engages an actually existing lesbian community (a role played here by the site's users). Blogs and videos by paid contributors augmented this pre-packaged material and its subliminal creed of commodity lesbianism, with the implied assumption that, in order to appeal to The L Word's audience, the website must be front-loaded for consumption.

    The typical layout of OurChart.com's home page supported the impression that professional content was its main attraction, with editorial blogs and videos on display in the central space while recent user-generated content (along with ads) was relegated to a sidebar (Figure 5). Navigational links led to expanded views of these commercial components, including themed columns by the staff, original web series, and actors' dispatches from the set, as well as to the discussion forums and profiles that comprised the site's social platform. OurChart.com was built on an open-source content management system {http://drupal.org/node/128791}, and its networking features, when they arrived, were relatively commonplace. After filling out a personal profile, users could manage a list of friends, send public notes or private messages, create blog entries, upload pictures, and track their comments on posts throughout the site (Figure 6). As a whole, the organization of OurChart.com showcases once again the characteristic tension of fan-driven promotions: its challenge was to offer enough open interactivity to attract a productive user base while still expressing and enforcing a homogenous brand.

    OurChart.com's particular balance of these demands turned out to be an effective one, as the site gained rapidly in popularity and prompted extensive participation. One article reports respectable usage numbers by July 2007 (Kramer), and though the focus here is the appeal of professional programming, conversation in forums, blogs, and comments was also lively. The corporate strategy underpinning OurChart.com follows a broader trend to position gays as a privileged marketing category, and Pete Cashmore cites data suggesting that this move carries over to the internet, where "gay, lesbian and bisexual users are an extremely valuable demographic: social networks and blogs targeting this segment of the audience could perform well" (January 2007). OurChart president Hilary Rosen parrots a similar doctrine in statements that the site will "present marketers with a great opportunity to reach a consumer market that is targeted, financially independent and loyal" (Announcements) and later that "The lesbian community is Internet-savvy and is twice as likely as heterosexual women to consider the Internet their prime source of entertainment" (Becker). Such mavens, and indeed many of the analyses directed at the commodification of gay identity, see this tendency in terms of an aptitude for consumption -- the inference is that the web's primary innovation is increased opportunities for advertising and sales. What the close relationship between The L Word's onscreen representation and online implementation of the "chart" demonstrates, however, is that the transition from broadcast to broadband enables a qualitative intensification that becomes concerned with what the gay demographic can produce as well what it can as consume. The L Word can monetize lesbianism because late capitalism renders subjectivity itself productive through communications networks.
  • IV/1/C Alice Pieszecki with "The Chart" The L Word's most literal exemplar of a career in freelance lesbianism is Alice Pieszecki, a bisexual-identified character who works throughout the series as a queer culture guru for media outlets including LA Magazine, public radio station KCRW, and fictional TV talk show The Look (portrayed by Leisha Hailey, the only out lesbian cast member when the program premiered). Alice is certainly not the first queer woman to draw a diagram visualizing the complex web of hook-ups and break-ups that form the fabric of her community, but she is the first to make this graphic her trademark. The principle of her "chart" is introduced in the pilot episode when she plays a six degrees of sexual separation game with Dana, sketching out the serial couplings that connect the two of them with each other and with several friends. At the end of the scene, the camera tracks over their heads to frame a large white board where Alice keeps a running tally of the links amongst her circle of acquaintances (Figure 17). But it becomes clear that the chart is more than a personal pastime for Alice when, in the opening of the second episode, she pitches it to her editor as a marketable motif for an article (Figure 18): "The point is we are all connected, see? Through love, through loneliness, through one tiny lamentable lapse in judgment. All of us, in our isolation, we reach out from the darkness, from the alienation of modern life, to form these connections." Although her boss is unimpressed, Alice (or more properly, The L Word's writing staff) here exhibits a savvy appreciation for the productivity of networked intimacy under late capitalism. In a marked update from her initial pen-and-paper explanation, Alice now demos the chart on her laptop using a graphics tablet. Only a few scenes later, she has implausibly launched a successful user-generated version online (Figure 19): "You know the chart? OK, I put it on the Internet... This thing is growing. People are adding names, and it's growing exponentially." This vision of a web platform driven by relationships was prescient for its time (January 2004, just before the inception of Facebook) and already signals the harmony between The L Word's rendition of sexual community and the development of digital technologies.

    While the network ethos of the chart is ever-present throughout the series, most notably in Alice's talk radio show based on the concept, the chart itself doesn't reappear until the beginning of season 4. Here, in an eruption of metatexual instruction, Alice and Jenny introduce Helena to what is now a vibrant online community, telling her "it's so much fun, you don't know what you're missing! ...It's like a social networking site -- for lesbians" (Figure 20). In Alice's opinion, the core feature of this diversified portal, now dubbed OurChart, is still its "hook-ups page": an interactive visualization of data on who has slept with who. The graphics that represent this interface on screen are artifacts of the program's technological imaginary, unrelated to any recognizable web browser or platform. Although Alice does describe in detail how to add a link by inviting someone to join, this scene's pedagogy is oriented more toward ideology than tangible usage, hyping a fantasy of seamless equivalence between the sexual network and the digital network. OurChart's discourse thus aligns perfectly with late capitalism's marriage of subjectivity and communication. The connectedness that Alice identifies as a hallmark of interpersonal relations in a sexual subculture is likewise a hallmark of the present-day organization of work, which depends increasingly on self-organizing cooperation facilitated by media and information technologies. The L Word styles itself to capitalize on those synergies, with the effect that, for example, the mythology of Shane becomes technical as much as sexual, because as a "hub" ("anyone who has slept with over 50 people," although in Shane's case the number is close to 1000) she is instrumental in binding together the digital as much as the face-to-face social network.

    In contrast to season 1's more innocent reveries on the chart, this particular scene functions as an integrated promotion for the concurrent launch of the actual OurChart.com, itself a promotion for the The L Word in a sort of mise en abyme of transmedia branding. The tie-in website opened in January 2007, on the same day as the season 4 premiere, but its interactive features weren't up and running until several months later (Cashmore), during which time the program's improbable vision hovered before fans as a self-fulfilling prophecy. Industry blogs reported that Chaiken, newly-minted CEO of OurChart, confirmed that "The idea to migrate the chart to the Web grew out of a story line on the show... Now, in the upcoming season, that character will realize that the chart has caught on... At the same time, the real-world chart also will go live" (Davis). In the context of convergence, defined by mobilizing viewership as immaterial labor, harnessing a "real-world" social network to work productively as an online social network is a predictable marketing strategy. But OurChart.com, as portrayed within The L Word's fictional Los Angeles, symptomizes the ideological payload of this move: the fantasy of an unmediated and frictionless correspondence between subjective and digital layers that ignores the intercession of communication technologies and capitalist economies. The site as rendered here is markedly unconstrained by funding or infrastructure -- after Alice "put it on the internet," it just "caught on" with no apparent need for development, staff, advertising, or revenue. Moreover, beyond Alice's assurance that when you add one of your hook-ups to the chart the other party must opt-in, the characters express no hesitancy over the alarming notion of translating intimate sexual histories into a searchable online database. These convenient erasures make OurChart.com formidable as a cutting-edge promotion precisely because it takes the The L Word's economy of lesbianism as labor to its logical conclusion, enticing viewers-cum-users to work toward producing these values in more direct and centralized ways.
  • @beccatoria I think the vid is awesome!
    ~1 year on Twitter
  • for apocalypse fans: slate lets you choose the end of America - http://www.slate.com/id/2223285/ (via someone) #fb
    ~1 year on Twitter
  • weird seeing jobs I’d actually want + not applying because... I have a job! Middlebury Media Studies: http://is.gd/22l5x (via @jmittell) #fb
    ~1 year on Twitter
  • @shinyalice I know all my addons are broken! what lvl are flying mounts / regular mounts now??
    ~1 year on Twitter
  • @everabridged today in problems with twitter: I now can't find again the site that does the userpic badges (rainbow + others)
    ~1 year on Twitter
  • I know @metatxt WOW PATCH OMGS *nerdgasm* I luv druid forms, might still go green-haired for prettier bear.
    ~1 year on Twitter
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